Every major lexicon posits a stable Qal core, "ask, inquire, request," from which BDB, HALOT, DCH (Clines, vol. 8), Gesenius (18th ed.), TDOT (H. F. Fuhs, 14:258-61), TLOT, TWOT #2303 and NIDOTTE recognize substantially the same branches: asking a question; asking for something (with מִן / מֵאֵת / מֵעִם of the person); inquiring of a deity or oracle (with בְּ of the addressee); asking as a favour, i.e. borrowing; and asking after welfare, i.e. greeting (שָׁאַל לְשָׁלוֹם). BDB tallies 170 occurrences, TWOT/NAS 167, concordances against WLC up to 176, the discrepancies reflecting textual choices such as Wellhausen's excision at 1 Sam 12:13. The stems narrow the sense. The Niphal (1 Sam 20:6, 28; Neh 13:6) is "ask leave for oneself." The Piel is rare and divides between an apparent intensive "inquire carefully" (2 Sam 20:18, which Budde, cited in BDB, would repoint as a Qal infinitive absolute) and "beg" (Ps 109:10). The Hiphil is causative of granting, "lend, grant a request, hand over," which Fuhs reads at 1 Sam 1:28 as the specialized "dedicate," reading with 4QSam-a at 2:20. BDB itself keeps the borrowing texts under "ask for" while cautioning that a pretext of merely temporary use is not clear, HALOT retains "ask for, borrow" as a sub-sense, and DCH deliberately declines to separate them. Comparative Semitic evidence is unusually stable: Proto-Semitic *sh-'-l is securely reconstructible (Kogan; Militarev and Kogan), with Akkadian shalu / sha'alu in CAD Sh/1 and AHw III:1151-53 carrying the same range, including the epistolary shulmam shalu behind שָׁאַל לְשָׁלוֹם and the professional participle sha'ilu, a dream-interpreter and diviner comparable to the necromancer of Deut 18:11; Biblical Aramaic שְׁאֵל (Dan 2:10-11, 27; Ezra 5:9-10); Syriac she'el, which likewise covers borrowing; Arabic sa'ala; Ge'ez sa'ala, foregrounding petition and intercession. The borrowing sense looks like a secondary Northwest Semitic extension shared with Aramaic and Syriac, and it is precisely there that Hebrew builds a dedicated causative for lending. The distinctive Hebrew development is the technical oracular formula שָׁאַל בַּיהוה and the more elevated שָׁאַל אֶת־פִּי יְהוָה (Josh 9:14), mediated by the ephod and the Urim and Thummim, with Num 27:21 as charter text and a dense cluster in Judges through 2 Samuel. Muss-Arnolt, Jeffers, Cryer, Stokl and Schmitt treat the Urim and Thummim as a binary lot-oracle, supported by the LXX-reconstructed text of 1 Sam 14:41 and the yes/no shape of the questions at 1 Sam 23:10-12 and 30:8; Van Dam dissents, arguing for a means of miraculous verbal revelation on the strength of information-rich answers such as 2 Sam 5:23-24. The idiom then dies out: Kings prefers דָּרַשׁ בַּיהוה, Chronicles retains שָׁאַל בַּיהוה chiefly in Samuel-derived material (Japhet), and Ezra 2:63 // Neh 7:65 presuppose that the apparatus is already unavailable, which Fried argues, against Josephus, reflects Persian-period reality. On the Exodus texts (3:22; 11:2; 12:35-36) the modern consensus reads "ask, request" rather than "borrow," resting on the ancient versions (LXX aitesei, Vulgate postulabit), Rashbam's gloss "an unreserved and flat-out gift" with its appeal to Ps 2:8, the permanent transfer signalled by the Hiphil of 1 Sam 1:28, the absence of any deception motif (Durham), Daube's derivation of the scene from the manumission law of Deut 15:13-14, and Coats's reading of the despoiling motif; Luzzatto and Sforno accept a loan and hence deception, Jackson holds that the technically constrained legal use of Exod 22:13 does not transfer to narrative, and Childs judges the gift-or-loan question unanswerable from the text itself. On 1 Samuel 1, no modern onomastic study derives שְׁמוּאֵל from שָׁאַל (Noth, Fowler and Rechenmacher all read שֵׁם + אֵל), so the etiology's fit with שָׁאוּל has generated a diachronic reading (Hylander, McCarter, Brettler, Romer, Milstein) that Hannah's story was originally Saul's, against a synchronic-literary reading of deliberate irony (Klein, Fokkelman, Polzin, Alter, Tsumura, Firth); Na'aman proposes sound-play with Shiloh instead, and a convergent position now treats a Saulide legend as redeployed for an ironic pro-Davidic narrative. Finally, the derivation of שְׁאוֹל from שָׁאַל, "the insatiable asker," is largely rejected on morphological and methodological grounds: BDB calls it dubious, HALOT registers it without endorsement, Wachter (TDOT 14:239-48) finds no proposal persuasive, and Johnston's Shades of Sheol concludes that etymological approaches to the term have failed.