The standard lexicons converge on one map: a conditional particle at the core (BDB pp. 43-44; HALOT s.v.; TWOT §111), with asseverative use in oaths, interrogative use in disjunctive and embedded questions, and marginal concessive, temporal and optative extensions. GKC §149 derives the oath use from the suppression of a self-imprecation ("the LORD do so to me if I do it"), while frankly conceding that "no certain explanation of these particles has yet been given"; the unsuppressed form survives at 1 Samuel 3:17 and 2 Kings 6:31. GKC §159 ties the choice of conditional construction to the speaker's subjective judgement about whether the condition can be fulfilled, with לוּ / לוּלֵא reserved for the frankly irreal case. Joüon-Muraoka §§161d-e observe that outside doubled and embedded questions the interrogative use is rare and largely late or poetic (Esther 4:14; Song 7:12; Lamentations 1:12). On the division of labour with כִּי, Aejmelaeus (1986) and later work on Pentateuchal conditionals argue that כִּי introduces a circumstantial clause and therefore suits the head case of casuistic law, with אִם supplying the sub-cases (Exodus 21:18-36; the parallel conditions of the Numbers 5:12-31 ordeal law). Conklin, Oath Formulas in Biblical Hebrew (Eisenbrauns, 2011; Chicago dissertation under Dennis Pardee), challenges the standard account, arguing that the "thus may God do to me" clause is not an apodosis, that כִּי in affirmative oaths is not asseverative, and that כִּי אִם is not an asseverative compound; his test case is Ruth 1:17, where the major English versions contradict each other outright. G. J. Park (2013) proposed instead that the oath use is a rhetorical question, against the majority position (BDB, HALOT, Azar 1981) that the word had become a negative; critics note that it almost never marks a direct, non-doubled question in classical prose. Grace J. Park, Focus Construction with kî ʾim in Biblical Hebrew (2023), analyses all 156 occurrences of כִּי אִם as a focus construction. Comparative Semitics securely matches Hebrew אִם with Arabic ʾin (and ʾimmā = ʾin + mā); Ugaritic uses hm; the Akkadian šumma connection, defended by Voigt (1995) through a proposed sound law, is a certain functional parallel in law and oath but an unproven etymological one, and the standard Akkadian dictionaries do not commit to it.